English subtitles for clip: File:President Obama on the International Nuclear Framework with Iran.webm

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The President: Good
afternoon, everybody.

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Today, the United States,
together with our allies

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and partners, has reached
a historic understanding

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with Iran, which, if fully
implemented, will prevent it

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from obtaining a
nuclear weapon.

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As President and Commander
in Chief, I have no

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greater responsibility
than the security of the

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American people, and I'm
convinced that if this

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framework leads to a
final comprehensive deal,

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it will make our country, our
allies, and our world safer.

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This has been a
long time coming.

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The Islamic Republic of
Iran has been advancing its

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nuclear program for decades.

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By the time I took office,
Iran was operating thousands

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of centrifuges, which can
produce the materials

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for a nuclear bomb.

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And Iran was concealing a
covert nuclear facility.

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I made clear that we were
prepared to resolve this

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issue diplomatically,
but only if Iran came to

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the table in a serious way.

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When that did not happen, we
rallied the world to impose

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the toughest sanctions in
history, sanctions which had

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a profound impact on
the Iranian economy.

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Now, sanctions alone could
not stop Iran's nuclear

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program, but they did
help bring Iran to the

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negotiating table.

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Because of our diplomatic
efforts, the world stood

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with us, and we were joined
at the negotiating table by

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the world's major powers:
the United Kingdom, France,

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Germany, Russia,
and China, as well as

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the European Union.

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Over a year ago, we took the
first step towards

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today's framework, with a deal
to stop the progress of Iran's

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nuclear program and roll
it back in key areas.

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And recall that at the time,
skeptics argued that Iran

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would cheat, and that we
could not verify their

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compliance, and the interim
agreement would fail.

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Instead, it has succeeded
exactly as intended.

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Iran has met all
of its obligations.

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It limited its stockpile of
dangerous nuclear material.

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Inspections of Iran's
program increased and we

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continued negotiations to
see if we could achieve a

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more comprehensive deal.

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Today, after many months of
tough, principled diplomacy,

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we have achieved the
framework for that deal.

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And it is a good
deal, a deal that meets

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our core objectives.

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This framework would cut
off every pathway that Iran

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could take to develop
a nuclear weapon.

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Iran will face strict
limitations on its program

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and Iran has also agreed
to the most robust and

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intrusive inspections and
transparency regime ever

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negotiated for any nuclear
program in history.

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So this deal is not based
on trust; it's based on

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unprecedented verification.

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Many key details will be
finalized over the next

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three months, and nothing is
agreed to until everything

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is agreed.

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But here are the basic
outlines of the deal that we

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are working to finalize.

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First, Iran will not be
able to pursue a bomb using

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plutonium because it
will not develop

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weapons-grade plutonium.

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The core of its reactor at
Iraq will be dismantled and

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replaced; the spent fuel
from that facility will be

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shipped out of Iran for
the life of the reactor.

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Iran will not build a new
heavy water reactor,

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and Iran will not
reprocess fuel from its

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existing reactors, ever.

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Second, this deal shuts down
Iran's path to a bomb using

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enriched uranium.

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Iran has agreed that its
installed centrifuges will

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be reduced by two thirds.

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Iran will no longer enrich
uranium at its Fordow

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facility.

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Iran will not enrich
uranium with its advanced

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centrifuges for at
least the next 10 years.

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The vast majority of Iran's
stockpile of enriched

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uranium will be neutralized.

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Today, estimates indicate
that Iran is only two

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or three months away from
potentially acquiring the

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raw materials that could
be used for a single

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nuclear bomb.

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Under this deal, Iran has
agreed that it will not

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stockpile the materials
needed to build a weapon.

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Even if it violated the
deal, for the next decade

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at least, Iran would be a
minimum of a year away from

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acquiring enough material
for a bomb, and the strict

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limitations on Iran's
stockpile will last

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for 15 years.

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Third, this deal provides
the best possible defense

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against Iran's ability to
pursue a nuclear weapon

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covertly, that
is, in secret.

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International inspectors
will have unprecedented

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access, not only to Iranian
nuclear facilities, but to

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the entire supply chain
that supports Iran's

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nuclear program, from uranium
mills that provide the

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raw materials to the
centrifuge production and

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storage facilities that
support the program.

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If Iran cheats, the
world will know it.

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If we see something
suspicious, we will

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inspect it.

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Iran's past efforts to
weaponize this program

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will be addressed.

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With this deal, Iran will
face more inspections

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than any other
country in the world.

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So this will be a long-term
deal that addresses each

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path to a potential
Iranian nuclear bomb.

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There will be strict
limits on Iran's program

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for a decade.

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Additional restrictions on
building new facilities or

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stockpiling materials
will last for 15 years.

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The unprecedented
transparency measures will

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last for 20 years
or more; indeed,

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some will be permanent.

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And as a member of the
nuclear nonproliferation

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treaty, Iran will never
be permitted to develop

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a nuclear weapon.

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In return for Iran's
actions, the international

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committee has agreed to
provide Iran with relief

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from certain sanctions,
our own sanctions

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and international
sanctions imposed by the

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United Nations Security Council.

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This relief will be phased,
as Iran takes steps to adhere

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to the deal.

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If Iran violates the deal,
sanctions can be snapped

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back into place.

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Meanwhile, other American
sanctions on Iran for its

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support of terrorism, its
human rights abuses, and its

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ballistic missile program
will continue to be

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fully enforced.

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Now, let me re-emphasize:
Our work is not yet done.

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The deal has
not been signed.

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Between now and the end of
June, the negotiators will

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continue to work through
the details of how this

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framework will be
fully implemented,

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and those details matter.

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If there is backsliding on
the part of the Iranians,

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if the verification and
inspection mechanisms don't

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meet the specifications
of our nuclear and

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security experts, there
will be no deal.

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But if we can get this done,
and Iran follows through on

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the framework that our
negotiators agreed to,

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we will be able to resolve
one of the greatest threats

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to our security and
to do so peacefully.

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Given the importance of
this issue, I've instructed

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my negotiators to fully
brief Congress and the

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American people on the substance
of the deal, and I welcome

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a robust debate in the
weeks and months to come.

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I am confident that we can
show that this deal is good

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for the security of the
United States, for our

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allies, and for the world.

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For the fact is, we
only have three options

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for addressing Iran's
nuclear program.

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First, we can reach a
robust and verifiable deal,

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like this one, and peacefully
prevent Iran from obtaining

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a nuclear weapon.

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The second option is
we can bomb Iran's

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nuclear facilities, thereby
starting another war

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in the Middle East and setting
back Iran's program by a

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few years, in other words,
setting it back by a fraction

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of the time that this deal
will set it back.

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Meanwhile, we'd ensure that
Iran would race ahead to try

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and build a bomb.

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Third, we could pull out
of negotiations, try to get

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other countries to go along,
and continue sanctions

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that are currently in place
or add additional ones,

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and hope for the best, knowing
that every time we have done

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so, Iran has not capitulated
but instead has advanced

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its program, and that in very
short order, the breakout

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timeline would be eliminated,
and a nuclear arms race

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in the region
could be triggered because

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of the uncertainty.

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In other words, the third
option leads us very quickly

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back to a decision about
whether or not to take

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military action because we'd
have no idea what was going

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on inside of Iran.

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Iran is not going to simply
dismantle its program

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because we demand
it to do so.

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That's not how the world
works and that's not what

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history shows us.

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Iran has shown no
willingness to eliminate

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those aspects of their
program that they maintain

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are for peaceful purposes,
even in the face

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of unprecedented sanctions.

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Should negotiations
collapse because we,

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the United States, rejected what
the majority of the world

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considers a fair deal,
what our scientists

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and nuclear experts suggest
would give us confidence that

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they are not developing a
nuclear weapon.

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It's doubtful that we
can even keep our

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current international
sanctions in place.

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So when you hear the
inevitable critics of

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the deal sound off, ask them
a simple question: Do you

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really think that this
verifiable deal, if fully

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implemented, backed by
the world's major powers,

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is a worse option than the risk
of another war in

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the Middle East?

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Is it worse than doing
what we've done for almost

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two decades with Iran
moving forward with its

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nuclear program and without
robust inspections?

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I think the answer
will be clear.

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Remember, I have always
insisted that I will do what

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is necessary to prevent
Iran from acquiring

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a nuclear weapon, and I will.

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But I also know that a
diplomatic solution is the

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best way to get this
done and offers a more

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comprehensive and
lasting solution.

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It is our best
option by far.

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And while it is always a
possibility that Iran may

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try to cheat on the deal in
the future, this framework

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of inspections and
transparency makes it far

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more likely that we'll
know about it if they

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try to cheat.

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And I or future presidents
will have preserved all

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of the options that are
currently available to

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deal with it.

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To the Iranian people, I
want to reaffirm what I've

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said since the beginning
of my presidency: we are

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willing to engage you on the
basis of mutual interests

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and mutual respect.

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This deal offers the
prospect of relief from

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sanctions that were imposed
because of Iran's violation

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of international law.

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Since Iran's supreme leader
has issued a fatwa against

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the development of nuclear
weapons, this framework

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gives Iran the opportunity
to verify that its program

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is in fact peaceful.

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It demonstrates that if
Iran complies with its

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international obligations,
then it can fully rejoin

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the community of nations,
thereby fulfilling

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the extraordinary talent
and aspirations of the

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Iranian people.

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That would be good for
Iran and it would be good

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for the world.

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Of course, this deal alone,
even if fully implemented,

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will not end the deep
divisions and mistrust

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between our two countries.

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We have a difficult
history between us.

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And our concerns will remain
with respect to Iranian

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behavior so long as Iran
continues its sponsorship of

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terrorism, its support for
proxies who destabilize the

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Middle East, its threats
against America's friends

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and allies, like Israel.

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So make no mistake, we
will remain vigilant

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in countering those actions and
standing with our allies.

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It's no secret that the
Israeli prime minister and I

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don't agree about whether
the United States should

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move forward with a
peaceful resolution to

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the Iranian issue.

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If in fact Prime Minister
Netanyahu is looking for the

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most effective way to
ensure Iran doesn't get

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a nuclear weapon, this is the
best option, and I believe

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our nuclear experts
can confirm that.

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More importantly, I will
be speaking with the

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prime minister today to make
clear that there will be

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no daylight -- there is no
daylight -- when it comes

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to our support for Israel's
security and our concerns

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about Iran's destabilizing
policies and threats

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towards Israel.

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And that's why I've directed
my national security team to

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consult closely with the new
Israeli government in the

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coming weeks and months
about how we can further

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strengthen our long-term
security cooperation with

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Israel and make clear our
unshakable commitment to

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Israel's defense.

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Today, I also spoke with
the king of Saudi Arabia to

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reaffirm our commitment
to the security of our

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partners in the Gulf, and
I'm inviting the leaders of

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the six countries who make up
the Gulf Cooperation Council:

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Saudi Arabia,
the United Arab Emirates,

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Kuwait, Oman, Qatar,
and Bahrain, to meet me

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at Camp David this spring to
discuss how we can further

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strengthen our security
cooperation while resolving

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the multiple conflicts that
have caused so much hardship

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and instability throughout
the Middle East.

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Finally, it's worth
remembering that Congress

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has, on a bipartisan basis,
played a critical role

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in our current Iran
policy, helping to shape

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the sanctions regime that
applied so much pressure

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on Iran and ultimately
forced them to the table.

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In the coming days and
weeks, my administration

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will engage Congress once
again about how we can play

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a -- how it can play a
constructive oversight role.

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I'll begin that effort by
speaking to the leaders of

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the House and Senate today.

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In those conversations,
I will underscore that

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the issues at stake here
are bigger than politics.

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These are matters of war
and peace, and they should

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be evaluated based on the facts
and what is ultimately best

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for the American people and
for our national security.

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For this is not
simply a deal between

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my administration and Iran;
this is a deal between Iran,

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the United States of
America, and the

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major powers in the world,
including some of our

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closest allies.

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If Congress kills this deal,
not based on expert analysis

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and without offering any
reasonable alternative, then

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it's the United States
that will be blamed for

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the failure of diplomacy.

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International unity will
collapse and the path

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to conflict will widen.

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The American people
understand this, which is

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why a solid majority support
a diplomatic resolution to

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the Iranian nuclear issue.

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They understand
instinctively the words of

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Pres. Kennedy, who faced
down the far greater threat

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of communism and said,
"Let us never negotiate

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out of fear, but let us
never fear to negotiate."

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The American people remember
that at the height of

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the Cold War, presidents
like Nixon and Reagan struck

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historic arms control agreements
with the Soviet Union,

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a far more dangerous adversary,
despite the fact that

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that adversary not only
threatened to destroy

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our country and our way of life
but had the means to do so.

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Those agreements
were not perfect.

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They did not
end all threats.

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But they made
our world safer.

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A good deal with Iran
will do the same.

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Today, I would like to
express my thanks to our

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international partners
for their steadfastness,

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their cooperation.

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I was able to speak earlier
today with our close allies,

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Prime Minister Cameron,
and President Hollande,

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00:17:18,670 --> 00:17:21,670
and Chancellor Merkel to
reaffirm that we stand

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shoulder to shoulder
in this effort.

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And most of all, on behalf
of our nation, I want

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to express my thanks to our
tireless -- and I mean

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00:17:29,948 --> 00:17:33,518
tireless -- secretary of
state, John Kerry, and our

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entire negotiating team.

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They have worked so hard
to make this progress.

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They represent the
best tradition of

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American diplomacy.

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Their work -- our work -- is
not yet done, and success is

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not guaranteed.

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But we have a historic
opportunity to prevent

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the spread of nuclear
weapons in Iran and to

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do so peacefully, with the
international community

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00:18:02,414 --> 00:18:04,414
firmly behind us.

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We should seize that chance.

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Thank you, God bless
you, and God bless

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the United States of America.