File:Male and female suicide rates by country (2015 age-standardized).png

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English: World map illustration of male (top) and female (bottom) age-standardizedα suicide mortality rates per 100,000 individuals in 2015, as per data by World Health Organization (rev. April 2017).
 
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In the last 45 years suicide rates have increased by 60% worldwide. An estimated one million people per year die by suicide or a death every 40 seconds or about 3,000 every day (more people die from suicide than from murder and war). Also at the same time suicide attempt episodes are reported 20 times as much, with female adolescents and minority groups (migrants, transgenders, etc.) bearing most relevant socio-economic implications for suicide prevention.[1][2][3][4]

Income world map: high-income western cultures in darker green.

Male:Female global average was 1.7 in 2015 (men were 70% more likely than women to die by suicide). Gender differences in suicide can vary significantly among countries: Western societies (cultural heritage of european origin, such as european languages or religion) report a higher male mortality by suicide than any other, while South and East Asian a much lower, with China accounting for the greatest number of female suicides. Wealth is also a constant, being that the gender gap is generally limited or non-existent in non low- and middle-income societies, whereas it is never absent in high-income countries (depicted in darker green aside): 200,000 deliberately take their own life in Europe and the Americas every year: about 40,000 females and 150,000 males.[5][6][7] The problem then is not the old-fashioned question — why do so many women commit suicide in China; the actual question is why do so many men commit suicide in high-income countries?[8]

This gender gap is noted and described since the 1990s, by traditionally higher male suicide rates as contraposed to a typical disproportion of females in nonfatal suicide behavior; a relevant review of previous years' data later mentioned throughout the 2000s, noted this male/female disproportion in suicidality throughout Western countries: the proportion of male suicides was incongruous with that of female suicide attempts, as the male-female ratio of suicides was above 2.4 meaning males completed suicide at least 140% more than females, while the female-male ratio of suicide attempts was 1.5 meaning females attempted suicide 50% more than males.[9][10]

Cited as 'gender paradox of suicidal behavior', it is essentially attributed to post-industrial sociocultural influences and gendered identities: females being more vulnerable to psychological problems and receptive to psychotherapeutic approaches (in western societies mental-health disorders are 20-40% higher in women than men, and female therapists outnumber male) particularly at a young age, report suicide ideation and attempt more frequently and are allowed to discuss their emotions, but males being required to express strength and stoicism assuming social status and working roles crucial for their identity are less likely to seek help for suicidal feelings. Since nonfatal suicidal behavior is typically higher in females while suicide rates are traditionally higher for males, then male vulnerability to suicidal behavior is often explained in terms of higher lethality of suicide methods used and hopelessness, being nevertheless that stigmatization of suicidal behaviors tends to frame surviving a suicidal act and seeking help for mental distress as something ‘inappropriate’ for men: research suggests that the gender gap is partially a result of the choice of more lethal methods and the experience of more aggression, which rather provide an indication of the higher intent to die in men.[11][12][13][14]

The gender gap in suicide holds true in western cultures, while narrows elsewhere, unto where these patterns are contradicted entirely in various Asian societies (counting almost half of global population).[6][7][15]

"An estimated 804 000 suicide deaths occurred worldwide in 2012, representing an annual global age-standardized suicide rate of 11.4 per 100 000 population (15.0 for males and 8.0 for females) [..] In richer countries, three times as many men die of suicide than women do, but in low- and middle-income countries the male-to-female ratio is much lower at 1.5 men to each woman."[4]

"In the United States, males are four times more likely to die from suicide than are females. However, females are more likely to attempt suicide than are males. [..] Suicide results from many complex sociocultural factors and is more likely to occur during periods of socioeconomic, family and individual crisis (e.g. loss of a loved one, unemployment, sexual orientation,[16] difficulties with developing one's identity, disassociation from one's community or other social/belief group, and honour)."[2]

"Data on suicide and suicide attempts in immigrants are scarce. There is also a great need for more systematic data on the immigrants in Europe and their distress, as manifested specifically in suicidal behaviour, particularly in women.[10] [..] Little research has focused on the relation of immigration and suicidal behaviour in youth. Nevertheless, the impact of migration on the mental health of youth is an issue of increasing societal importance. Studies on suicidal behaviour in culturally diverse youth are few and most of the existing research does not differentiate ethnic minorities from immigrants. [..] More than 1 in 4 Australian suicides are of migrants.[17][18] What is striking about immigration as a risk factor for suicidal behavior is its universality."[19]

"The main suicide triggers are poverty, unemployment, the loss of a loved one, arguments and legal or work-related problems [..] The disparity in suicide rates has been partly explained by the use of more lethal means and the experience of more aggression and higher intent to die [..] in men than women."[3][14]

Late 1890s recorded first gender-related observation on suicide by Émile Durkheim: according to statistics of the time, more men died of suicide than women every year. Also, Durkheim mentioned relations between western industrialization, modern communities and vulnerability to self-destructive behavior, suggesting social norms and pressures have effects on suicide.[15][20]

Reinforcement of male gender roles such as strength, independence, risk-taking behavior, often prevents males from seeking help for suicidal feelings and depression.[21][22] It is observed that shifting cultural attitudes about gender roles and social norms and especially ideas about masculinity, may also contribute to closing the gender gap.[12][13][23][24][25]

Suicidal behavior is also subject of study for economists since about the 1970s: although national costs of suicide and suicide attempts (up to 20 for every one completed suicide) are very high, suicide prevention is hampered by scarce resources for lack of interest by mental health advocates and legislators; and moreover, personal interests even financial are studied with regards to suicide attempts for example, in which insights are given that often "individuals contemplating suicide do not just choose between life and death [..] the resulting formula contains a somewhat paradoxical conclusion: attempting suicide can be a rational choice, but only if there is a high likelihood it will cause the attempter's life to significantly improve."[26][27] In the United States alone, yearly costs of suicide and suicide attempts are comprised in 50-100 billion dollars.[28][29]

"In much of the world, suicide is stigmatized and condemned for religious or cultural reasons. In some countries, suicidal behaviour is a criminal offence punishable by law. Suicide is therefore often a secretive act surrounded by taboo, and may be unrecognized, misclassified or deliberately hidden in official records of death."[6]
"Stigma, particularly surrounding mental disorders and suicide, means many people thinking of taking their own life or who have attempted suicide are not seeking help and are therefore not getting the help they need. The prevention of suicide has not been adequately addressed due to a lack of awareness of suicide as a major public health problem and the taboo in many societies to openly discuss it."
"Raising community awareness and breaking down the taboo is important for countries to make progress in preventing suicide."[30]

Social stigma is considered as well a "major barrier" to suicide prevention, and "the underlying motive for discrimination [..] caused by lack of knowledge - ignorance [..] One extreme example is the criminalization of suicidal behaviour, which still occurs in many countries."[31][32]

Per recent releases, the World Health Organization warns about social stigma towards suicidal behavior and psychiatric patients, and the taboo to openly discuss suicide, representing to date challenges and obstacles for suicide prevention policies along with low availability and quality of data.[30]

Table
Male–Female suicide ratios by region and year[33]
WHO region   2015     2010     2005     2000  
  Europe 3.7 4.0 4.1 4.0
  Americas 3.3 3.4 3.4 3.6
  Africa 2.0 1.9 1.9 1.9
  Eastern Mediterranean
1.8 1.8 1.6 1.5
  South-East Asia 1.3 1.2 1.1 1.2
  Western Pacific 1.2 1.0 1.0 1.0
  Global 1.74 1.67 1.65 1.66
Table
Male and Female suicide rates by region and year (rev. April 2018)[33]
WHO region    2015      2010      2005      2000    
 Male   Female   Male   Female   Male   Female   Male   Female 
  Europe 25 7 29 7 34 8 36 9
  Americas 15 5 14 4 13 4 13 4
  Africa 10 5 10 5 10 5 11 6
  Eastern Mediterranean
5 3 6 3 6 4 6 4
  South-East Asia 15 12 15 12 15 13 16 13
  Western Pacific 11 10 12 12 12 12 13 13
  Global 14 8 14 9 15 10 16 10


Notes and further readings
  1. QMI Agency (10 September 2011). "Inuit youth celebrate life on World Suicide Day". London Free Press. Archived from the original on 20 August 2017.
    (11 September 2004). "Alaska Observes World Suicide Prevention Day and Alaska Suicide Prevention Month". SitNews.
    World Suicide Prevention Day. Wikipedia.
  2. a b Suicide Statistics. Befrienders Worldwide.
  3. a b (10 September 2004). "World Suicide Prevention Day is marked". Raidió Teilifís Éireann.
  4. a b World Health Organization (2014). Preventing suicide - A global imperative — Executive summary. WHO.
  5. Canetto SS1, Sakinofsky I. (Spring 1998
    date QS:P,+1998-00-00T00:00:00Z/9,P4241,Q40720559
    ). The gender paradox in suicide..
  6. a b c World Health Organization (2002). Self-directed violence. www.who.int.
  7. a b John R. Cutcliffe (Editor), José Santos (Editor), Paul S. Links (Editor), Juveria Zaheer (Editor) (2016). Routledge International Handbook of Clinical Suicide Research. Routledge.
  8. 中国的自杀率,为何下降得比任何国家都快? (2018).
  9. Schrijvers DL1, Bollen J, Sabbe BG (April 2012). The gender paradox in suicidal behavior and its impact on the suicidal process..
    Vörös V1, Osváth P, Fekete S. (June 2014). Gender differences in suicidal behavior.
    Valerie J. Callanan, Mark S. Davis (2010-2011). Gender differences in suicide methods. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology.
  10. a b Cendrine Bursztein Lipsicas, Ilkka Henrik Mäkinen, Danuta Wasserman, Alan Apter, Ad Kerkhof, Konrad Michel, Ellinor Salander Renberg, Kees van Heeringen, Airi Värnik, Armin Schmidtke (10 May 2012). Gender distribution of suicide attempts among immigrant groups in European countries—an international perspective. European Journal of Public Health.
  11. Daniel Freeman and Jason Freeman (21 January 2015). Why are men more likely than women to take their own lives?. The Guardian.
    Benedict Carey (21 May 2011). Need Therapy? A Good Man Is Hard to Find. The New York Times.
    Mette Lyberg Rasmussen (2013). Suicide among Young Men: Self-esteem regulation in transition to adult life. Norwegian Institute of Public Health - University of Oslo, Norway.
    Colby Itkowitz (31 August 2016). Men die by suicide at alarming rates. This hashtag tells men ‘it’s okay to talk’ about their emotions.. The Washington Post.
    Daniel Freeman, Ph.D. and Jason Freeman (3 February 2015). Why Are Men More Likely Than Women To Take Their Own Lives?. Psychology Today.
    Viren Swami, Debbi Stanistreet and Sarah Payne (April 2008). Masculinities and suicide. The British Psychological Society.
  12. a b Men, Suicide and Society - Full report. Samaritans.
  13. a b Anne Goyne (2018). Suicide, male honour and the masculinity paradox: its impact on the ADF. Department of Defence (Australia).
  14. a b World Suicide Prevention Day - 10 September, 2012. Press Release. International Association for Suicide Prevention. Retrieved on 24 January 2018.
  15. a b Jodi O'Brien (Editor) (2009). Encyclopedia of Gender and Society (p. 817). SAGE Publications.
  16. Suicide Attempts among Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming Adults. American Foundation for Suicide Prevention (January 2014).
  17. Immigration and Suicidality in the Young. The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry (May 1, 2010).
  18. Gerry Georgatos (April 26, 2016). Migrant suicides – more than 1 in 4 Australian suicides are of migrants but discussion is lost in translation. The Stringer.
  19. M.E. Johnston (January 2012). Immigration and risk for suicide. ResearchGate.net.
  20. Emile Durkheim (1858-1917). University of Hawaii at Manoa.
  21. Payne, Sarah. "The social construction of gender and its influence on suicide: a review of the literature". Journal of Men's Health 5 (1): 23–35. DOI:10.1016/j.jomh.2007.11.002.
  22. Möller-Leimkühler, Anne Maria (Feb 2003). "The gender gap in suicide and premature death or: why are men so vulnerable?". European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience 253 (1): 1–8. DOI:10.1007/s00406-003-0397-6. PMID 12664306.
  23. Payne, Sarah. "The social construction of gender and its influence on suicide: a review of the literature". Journal of Men's Health 5 (1): 23–35. DOI:10.1016/j.jomh.2007.11.002.
  24. Thompson, Martie. "Examining Gender Differences in Risk Factors for Suicide Attempts Made 1 and 7 Years Later in a Nationally Representative Sample". Journal of Adolescent Health 48: 391–397. DOI:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2010.07.018.
  25. Men and Society - Media version. Samaritans.
  26. The Economics of Suicide. Slate (magazine).
  27. (Jan 2003). "The Economics of Suicide". Southern Economic Journal 69 (3): 628-643. DOI:10.2307/1061698 DOI: 10.2307/1061698.
  28. Costs of Suicide. Suicide Prevention Resource Center. Archived from the original on 2019-04-16. Retrieved on 2018-03-10.
  29. Suicide Statistics — AFSP. American Foundation for Suicide Prevention. Archived from the original on 2016-09-02. Retrieved on 2018-03-10.
  30. a b Suicide - Challenges and obstacles. www.who.int. WHO (August 2017).
  31. World Suicide Prevention Day - 10 September, 2013 - Stigma: A Major Barrier to Suicide Prevention. Press Release. International Association for Suicide Prevention.
  32. World Suicide Prevention 2013 Facts & Figures PowerPoint Presentation. Press Release. International Association for Suicide Prevention.
  33. a b Suicide rates, crude - Data by WHO region, 2015 (updated April 2018). WHO (2018-04-17).
  • Age-standardization is computed by WHO to correlate country-based differences in age distributions enhancing cross-national comparability, and has little bearing on the crude prevalence of suicide: this age-adjustement accounts for the influence that different population age distributions might have on the analysis of crude death rates. Where crude death rates of the younger age groups tend to prevail, rates are rounded up, whereas they are rounded down when more evenly distributed across all age-groups: for example, countries composed by many young individuals and fewer elderly on average have their crude rates rounded up, because of the greater convergence of death rates in younger age-groups compared to other countries. Real suicide rates may differ slightly, because age-adjusted rates are mortality rates that would have existed if the populations under study had the same age distribution as a "standard" population.
  • Map may contain errors of topographic, geopolitical, data obsolescence nature or other.
  • Very small territories may not be depicted due to their size or picture resolution.
  • Disputed territories between states may be included in the statistics of either the sovereign state(s) administrating them, or of those claiming sovereignty.
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